Digital Archives

Our archives provide access to a rich collection of historical documents, photos, and stories that preserve and celebrate Gullah heritage.

 

Immerse yourself into bluffton gullah culture

Discover Gullah Archives

Discover the rich history and traditions of Gullah Geechee culture at the Bluffton Gullah Cultural Heritage Center, where immersive tours and programs bring this community's stories to life.

Bluffton Gullah – Introduction 

The Gullah Geechee are descendants of enslaved Africans from West and Central Africa, whose unique culture developed along the southeastern U.S. coast from North Carolina to Florida. 

Culture, broadly defined as “a way of life,” include elements such language, beliefs, customs, institutions, art, and food. The Gullah story in Bluffton began with the establishment of plantations growing Sea Island Cotton, rice, and indigo. Following the Civil War, the Lowcountry’s slow recovery and isolation created ideal conditions for Gullah culture to flourish, blending African traditions with new influences.

The timeline exhibit chronicles key historical events, challenges, and triumphs of Gullah history in Bluffton while the digital site expands the key narratives and provides future opportunities for telling more stories. If you have histories, images and/or artifacts you would like to share with the Bluffton Gullah Heritage Center, we would be happy to talk to you.  This exhibit is meant as a starting point for building a new understanding and archive of African American history in Bluffton.

Early Days

The native peoples of the Southeastern region were part of a sophisticated culture deeply connected to their natural environment, sustaining themselves through farming, hunting, and gathering. During the Late Archaic period, spanning from 5800 to 3200 B.P, indigenous cultures established a significant physical presence along the coast in the form of shell rings.

Archaic shell rings are large, semi-circular mounds created by native inhabitants who harvested oysters and other seafood based on seasonal availability.  Once eaten they purposefully deposited the oyster shells gradually building the circular mounds. On Hilton Head Island, visitors can explore a shell ring archaeologists believe was developed over a 300-year period.

Archaeologists have found no conclusive evidence that these ancient indigenous people resided within the rings. Instead, they propose that these shell rings served as important ceremonial areas and community gathering spaces. The careful construction and sustained effort required to create these massive structures suggest a sophisticated level of social organization and collective purpose.

These shell rings are now recognized as some of the most substantial and impressive public works projects in pre-colonial North America, providing critical insights into the complex cultural practices of Southeastern indigenous societies. They stand as enduring archaeological monuments that illuminate the rich cultural landscape of Native American communities long before European contact.

While our understanding of these early inhabitants remains limited, archaeological excavations have gradually revealed insights into their way of life. Archaeologists have uncovered a range of artifacts, including shells, bones, tools, and ceramic fragments, that provide glimpses into the material culture of these indigenous societies.

Recent archaeological findings have documented indigenous settlements dating back to at least 1450 CE, contemporaneous with the indigenous populations encountered by European explorers and settlers when they first arrived in South Carolina. These discoveries continue to expand our understanding of the rich and complex societies that existed in the region long before European contact.

Yamassee Indians

When Europeans first arrived in the Southeastern region, they encountered a diverse array of indigenous ethnic groups. The devastating impact of colonialism was swift and profound, resulting in the systematic extermination or forced merging of many native tribes. Tragically, little scholarly attention was initially devoted to documenting these cultures, leading to the loss of numerous tribal names, languages, and historical narratives.

In the seventeenth century, South Carolina and Georgia became home to approximately 1,200 Yemassee Indians—a complex confederation formed by the merging of multiple indigenous groups including the Guale, La Tama, Apalachee, Coweta, and Cusseta Creek. Their migration was driven by a desperate attempt to escape Spanish missionaries in Florida who were actively enslaving native peoples to provide labor in the West Indies.

The Yamassee initially sought to establish diplomatic and economic relationships with European settlers in South Carolina and Georgia through trade and attempts at cultural exchange. However, these efforts ultimately failed, culminating in the Yamassee War of 1715. This conflict resulted in the tribe being pushed back to Florida, marking another devastating chapter in the region’s colonial history of indigenous displacement and cultural disruption.

These events underscore the profound and often brutal transformation of indigenous societies during the early period of European colonization, highlighting the complex interactions and power dynamics that fundamentally reshaped the demographic and cultural landscape of the Southeastern United States. The land left behind was now available for occupation and expansion of the colonists aiding in the development of the plantation system.

 

Plantations & Slavery

The Lowcountry’s plantation history spans three distinct eras: the antebellum agricultural period, the post-Reconstruction hunting lodge period, and the modern development of gated communities that often adopt plantation names. During the colonial and antebellum periods, plantations transformed vast tracts of land into agricultural enterprises, with their economic model dependent on enslaved labor. Slavery arrived in America in 1619, when 20–30 enslaved Africans were brought by the privateer ship, White Lion, to Point Comfort, Virginia.

Around 1728, a number of plantations flourished in the coastal region between Charleston and Savannah. The interconnected waterways provided essential transportation routes, especially given the challenges of constructing roads in the sandy coastal soil. The Lowcountry’s geography was particularly suited to the cultivation of Sea Island cotton, indigo, and rice, which were primarily exported through Savannah. These plantations also produced subsistence crops like corn, beans, and sweet potatoes to feed both the planter families and the enslaved people who performed the labor.

The area that would become Bluffton emerged as a strategic location for plantation owners. They constructed summer homes along the May River, seeking relief from the coastal plantations’ humid conditions as well as increased danger of coming into contact with common diseases of the late eighteenth century. The river breezes and pine forests were believed to offer protection from malaria and yellow fever. While some planters visited their holdings daily, many employed overseers to manage operations and supervise the enslaved workers.  Enslaved were also brought to work in Bluffton. The practice of bringing enslaved people into town is documented at sites like the Heyward House, where two original enslaved workers’ dwellings remain standing, testifying to the urban presence of slavery.

The American Revolution brought destruction to many original plantations by British forces, but the plantation system quickly rebuilt. These properties frequently changed ownership, underwent divisions, or merged with other holdings. Throughout these changes, the constant factor was the region’s dependence on enslaved labor for agricultural production and infrastructure development.  The agricultural plantation system would remain in place until the Civil War brought it to an end.

 

Known plantations in and near Bluffton 

  • Devil’s Elbow Barony (broken into smaller holdings)
  • Rose Hill
  • Hunting Island
  • Oak Forest
  • Camp
  • Foot Point
  • Crescent
  • Buckingham
  • Calhoun (Porcher)
  • Barnwell - Belfair
  • Hog Bluff
  • Tipperary
  • Bull Hill
  • Trimblestone
  • Oakland
  • Pinckney Island
  • Rephraim
  • Montpelier
  • Octagon
  • Moreland (Coles Family)
  • Spring Island
  • Running Deer Plantation
  • Rose Dew
  • Hilton Head (pre-1861): Braddock Point, Calibogue, Point Comfort, Possum Point, Shipyard, Leamington, Chaplin, Mathews, Otter Hole, Muddy Creek, Spanish Wells, Coggins Point, Brass?, Cherry Hill, Fish Haul, Cotton Hope, Honey, Fairfield, Sea Brook, Myrtle Bank

 

Slavery in Bluffton

Historical research on plantations and slavery in the South faces significant challenges. Limited documentation, deliberately enforced illiteracy among enslaved people, and incomplete plantation records have obscured a comprehensive understanding. Existing resources often reflect biased narratives that perpetuated harmful stereotypes. Despite these challenges, primary documentation from the era gives us a window into the practice of slavery in the Lowcountry. 

Newspaper advertisements from the era provide some insights into plantation management. These ads frequently sought overseers—typically white men—responsible for directing enslaved labor. On larger plantations, both an overseer and a “driver” (the title given to a Black man promoted by the plantation owner) might be employed. The advertisements often described plantation types like “swamp river plantation” without specifying exact locations, and a description of the work they would be directing.

icon_1 copy icon_2 copy icon_3 copyFigures 1, 2, 3 - Illustrations used to depict runaway slaves. From, The Royal Georgia Gazette, (Savannah, Georgia), July 23, 1795. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress.

Notices seeking the capture of enslaved individuals were prevalent in the south including the Royal Georgia Gazette, a newspaper published in Savannah, Georgia. These advertisements, placed by enslavers, gave descriptions of enslaved people who had escaped from plantations across Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida. The notices sought information about their whereabouts and warned potential helpers of legal consequences for assisting those seeking freedom.

An example from region, appears in a January 3, 1781 advertisement searching for an enslaved woman named Mary, who is described as having previously been “owned by Thomas Jones” from the May River region of South Carolina. Such advertisements reveal the brutal realities of the chattel slavery system, which treated human beings as property to be tracked, recovered, and returned against their will.

Mary_enslavedFigure 4 – Notice from The Royal Georgia Gazette, (Savannah, Georgia), January 4, 1781. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov

In Bluffton, few remnants of the plantation era remain. Some structures that escaped the burning of Bluffton have survived, including the Cole-Heyward House, now a house museum. Built around 1840 by enslaved workers of John Cole, the property’s slave quarters at the rear are reportedly the last such structures in Bluffton. Most likely the surviving buildings from before the antebellum period were built using enslaved labor and therefore stand as a testament to those men and women.

 

Rose Hill 

Many of the plantation houses that once existed in Bluffton and the surrounding area are no longer standing. One notable exception is the Rose Hill Plantation house, built in the late 1850s. The house is an excellent example of Carpenter Gothic Revival style and was likely built using enslaved labor. James Kirk, a wealthy plantation owner, gave the land to his daughter Caroline when she married her cousin, Dr. John M. Kirk. The couple was inspired during their honeymoon to Europe where they supposedly found plans and a builder.


Figure 5 - Exterior view of Rose Hill Plantation house from the Historic American Buildings Survey, Creator, John Kirk, and Willis Irvin. Library of Congress, compiled after 1933. https://www.loc.gov/item/sc0732/

The house is two stories, built using local lumber from a nearby plantation with vertical board and batten cladding. Notable exterior features include a steeply pitched gable roof, a porch with Gothic clustered piers which hold an arcade of pointed arches, and a one-story solarium. The property, which remained unfinished before the start of the Civil War, survived destruction during the conflict. In the 20th century, the property changed hands several times, undergoing several alterations including an enlarged solarium and new wrought iron supports on the porch.


Figure 6 - Exterior view of Rose Hill Plantation house from the Historic American Buildings Survey, Creator, John Kirk, and Willis Irvin. Library of Congress, compiled after 1933. https://www.loc.gov/item/sc0732/

After the war, tenant farming became a common practice on former plantations. Tenant farming is defined as an agricultural system where a farmer rents land from a landlord and pays rent in exchange for the use of the land. After property disputes were resolved following the Civil War, many African Americans took up tenant farming. Property being sold after the war was often advertised as having former slave quarters still intact on the land, which were then converted for use by the farmers. Rose Hill would pass between a number of owners and supported Gullah families who lived and farmed on the land.

Rose Hill Timeline - 1900 to Present 

  • July 3, 1918 - William E Pinckney whose Calhoun Plantation bordered Rose Hill Plantation purchased half-interest. 

  • June 1, 1921 - Clarence A. Pinckney, eldest son of William E. Pinckney moved to Rose Hill and stayed there with his wife for nearly three years as a farmer.

  • 1946 - 1949 – The manor is restored and altered by architect Willis Irvin.

  • May 19, 1983 – Listed on the National Register of Historic Places

  • February 10, 1987 - Building was severely damaged by fire.

  • 1996 – The house was restored by Robert and Robin White.

  • 2024 – The property now known as the Mansion at Rose Hill, has been adapted to serve as a luxury event venue.

 

Spring Island Plantation

Early colonizers made use of local materials to build houses, churches, forts, etc. As early as the 1570s, Spanish settlers at Santa Elena (now Beaufort) took advantage of shell mounds left by indigenous tribes to construct buildings using “tapiyah” or tabby construction. As plantations were built, many planters utilized this resource and built houses of tabby. Evidence of this construction technique can be found throughout the Lowcountry. One of the most notable examples are the ruins of the Edwards’ House on Spring Island.

SpringHouse1_Habs copy
Figure 6 – Spring Island Plantation main house general view looking east to central block and flanking wings from the Historic American Buildings Survey, Creator, John Edwards, Mary Cochran Barksdale, George Edwards, Spring Island Company, Sponsor Historic Beaufort Foundation, Colin Brooker, and Evan Thompson, Boucher, Jack E, photographer. Library of Congress, compiled after 1933. https://www.loc.gov/item/sc0732/

Spring Island was farmed since pre-Columbian days when Native Americans cultivated crops of corn, gourds, and squash. Remnants of early inhabitation exist in the form of prehistoric pottery pieces found mixed in the layers of shell, lime, and sand which make up the tabby structure. The shells and midden heaps were likely left by local tribes which included the Witcheaugh, Escamacu, and Wimbee.

One of the most notable families to live on Spring Island were the Edwards. George Edwards married his cousin Elizabeth Barksdale in 1801 and would later move to Spring Island where they expanded the plantation house and increased the number of enslaved people. During their time on the island, the number of enslaved increased to 336, making Edwards one of the largest slaveholders in Beaufort County. 

Enslaved people on the plantation worked in the fields growing and harvesting cotton, which was a primary crop listed in the 1850s census, reportedly producing 150 bales that year. Besides cotton, the plantation produced Indian corn, peas and beans, and sweet potatoes for sustenance; rice was grown as well, and cattle, hogs, and sheep were also part of the plantation.

SpringHouse2_HABS copy
Figure 7 – Spring Island Plantation Slave Quarters, oblique view from southwest
from the Historic American Buildings Survey, Creator, John Edwards, Mary Cochran Barksdale, George Edwards, Spring Island Company, Sponsor Historic Beaufort Foundation, Colin Brooker, and Evan Thompson, Boucher, Jack E, photographer. Library of Congress, compiled after 1933. https://www.loc.gov/item/sc0732/

After the Civil War, Spring Island became home to some of the newly freed men and women who had been enslaved on the plantation. The land was used for tenant farming settlements where residents fished, harvested lumber, and planted lettuce and pecans. During the twentieth century, the property changed hands several times.

In 1912, the property was purchased by Colonel William Copp who operated a large-scale farm. In 1964, the property was purchased by Lucile and Elisha Walker, Jr. from Bertha E. Lucas to be developed into a premier quail hunting plantation. Eventually, the property was put into a trust which was purchased by Jim and Betsy Chaffin, Jim and Dianne Light, and Peter and Beryl LaMotte who developed the land into its current use as a private community. The ruins of the plantation still stand on the island as a testament to the history of enslaved people in the region.

Civil War – The Burning of Bluffton

“I been livin’ in Beaufort when de war fust break out... Dat wuz in October.  De Southern soldiers come through Bluffton on a Wednesday and tell de white folks must get out de way, de Yankees right behind ‘em.  De summer place been at Bluffton.  De plantation wus ten miles away.  After we refugee from Bluffton, we spent de fust night at Jonesville.  From dere we went to Hardeville.  We here on Saturday evening.  You know we had to ride by horses - in wagons an’ buggies.  Dere weren’t no railroads of cars den.” - Daphney Wright from The WPA Slave Narratives

Bluffton and the Civil War: From Antebellum Tensions to Destruction

During the Antebellum period, the divide between supporters of slavery and abolitionists grew increasingly pronounced. These escalating tensions set the stage for the conflict that would eventually engulf the nation. Bluffton’s involvement in this unfolding drama began before the first shots were fired at Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861.

The “Bluffton Movement” emerged as a pivotal political rally in which South Carolina was urged to secede should states’ rights—including the institution of slavery—not be respected by the federal government. This movement, along with other events preceding the rally, laid the crucial foundation for South Carolina’s eventual secession from the United States of America on December 20, 1860.

Shortly after the first shots in Charleston announced the war’s commencement, Beaufort County felt the conflict’s impact when U.S. Army troops captured Hilton Head Island in November 1861. Hilton Head quickly became a strategic Union headquarters and staging ground for operations against Bluffton. Throughout the war, Confederate soldiers used Bluffton as a lookout post to monitor troop movements along the river and in nearby Pritchardville. 

Based on letters from the U.S. Army website, it is a good assumption that Harriet Tubman played a significant role in the eventual capture and burning of Bluffton. While no accounts directly place her in Bluffton itself, her extensive work throughout the Lowcountry had a profound impact on events in the area.

When U.S. Army troops captured Hilton Head Island, white planters and their families fled, leaving behind an estimated 10,000 enslaved people. With limited resources, these newly freed individuals sought assistance at the recently established U.S. camps. Overwhelmed by the situation, Massachusetts Governor John A. Andrew, familiar with Tubman’s extraordinary work, requested her presence in the South to help former slaves adjust to their new circumstances. Tubman accepted this challenge, informing a neighbor that she would serve as a “spy, scout or nurse, as the circumstances required.”


Figure 8 – Portrait of Harriet Tubman. Lindsley, Harvey B, photographer. Portrait of Harriet Tubman. New York, None. [Auburn, n.y.: harvey lindsley, taken between 1871 and 1876?, printed between 1895 and 1910] Photograph. Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/

Upon her arrival, Tubman was assigned to General Hunter’s command on Hilton Head Island. There, she established a sophisticated intelligence network comprised of nine African American scouts who possessed intimate knowledge of the local terrain, including the intricate waterway systems. These scouts were trained to gather critical intelligence, such as the locations of Confederate sentinels. Simultaneously, Tubman organized daring rescue missions that helped countless enslaved people escape to freedom.

Bluffton in Ruins
Figure 9 – “Bluffton in Ruins” article except from The free South (Beaufort, SC), June 13, 1864.  Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov

In June 1863, General David Hunter, stationed at Hilton Head Island, ordered Colonel Barton to destroy Bluffton. The command was executed on June 4, 1863, resulting in the destruction of much of the town. Only 17 structures survived what became known as the “Burning of Bluffton”.  The success of the mission likely relied on intelligence gained through Harriet Tubman’s scouts.

Restoration (coming soon)

Before the Bridge – The Hurricane of 1893 

On August 27, 1893, the Sea Island Hurricane, a catastrophic Category 3, struck the southeastern coast of the United States. Making landfall at Tybee Island, the storm brought winds of up to 120 mph and 16-foot tidal waves, devastating both the mainland and the Sea Islands. The disaster’s severity was amplified by the area’s isolation and lack of early warning systems, resulting in one of America’s deadliest hurricanes, with casualties estimated between 3,000 and 5,000 people and leaving approximately 30,000 homeless.

The storm’s destruction was particularly severe in Bluffton and surrounding Sea Islands of South Carolina, where a massive tidal wave—dubbed the “tide of death”—struck just south of Beaufort. A September 7 account in The Morning News from Savannah painted a stark picture of Bluffton:

“Bluffton, the beautiful village presented a scene of desolation the day after the storm.  Every one of the handsome old oaks was uprooted.  The streets were impassable from fallen trees, ruined fences.  Private gardens were badly damaged.  There was not one bridge or skid left – all were blown away.  The people living at Glen’s Cove or Kirk’s Cove were cut off from all communication with the rest of Bluffton. The inhabitants were as completely isolated as if they were on an island in the middle of the ocean.”

On September 16, another except sent to the paper by J.G. Verdier adds to the knowing.

“While I lost heavily, I did not lose as much as your correspondent says… All of my timber was blown down, fencing, rail and wire was smashed by falling trees, corn, peas and cotton blown down and cotton rotting in the field.  My neighbors on the rivers and creeks have lost nearly all of their crops.  Cotton is a total loss in some places and all of the corn, potatoes, peas and rice on a great many places is gone.” 

In the hurricane’s wake, the once-prosperous coastal region lay in ruins, its people facing a stark reality: they had no means to rebuild on their own. The fall harvest, which farmers had tended carefully through the growing season, was now destroyed – either washed away entirely or poisoned by the invading saltwater that had swept across their fields. The fishing boats that once dotted the coast were gone along with their nets and traps. The phosphate industry, another economic pillar of the region, stood silent, its equipment unusable. The Lowcountry’s economic heartbeat had stopped, leaving its people facing not just the immediate threats of starvation and illness, but the daunting challenge of rebuilding their entire way of life.

Hope arrived in the form of South Carolina’s Governor Tillman, who, upon grasping the catastrophic scope of the disaster, took action organizing a committee to provide relief. He also turned to a promising new ally: the Red Cross, then a fledgling organization under the leadership of its founder Clara Barton. Though the Red Cross had previously focused on wartime relief, a recent treaty had expanded its mission to include natural disasters. The Sea Island Hurricane would become one of their first major tests – and a defining moment in American disaster response. Under Barton’s steady guidance, a network of relief stations was established, operating out of whatever shelter could be found – from canvas tents to surviving Gullah cabins. These makeshift havens became lifelines, distributing essential supplies to the desperate communities.  Among the relief workers was Mr. John MacDonald, who became involved with efforts after his trip to Boston was derailed by the storm. Mr. MacDonald together with his wife, were assigned to manage the relief operation on Hilton Head Island, coordinating aid to nearby communities including the islands of Pickney, Savage, Hunting, Bull, Spring, Barataria and Daufuskie, as well as mainland Bluffton.

As the community began to rebuild, every able body was put to work in a remarkable display of collective determination. Men were assigned to dig drainage channels, clearing away the brackish water left by the storm. The sound of hammers and saws filled the air as they rebuilt homes and crafted new fishing boats for their neighbors. Meanwhile, the women, though left destitute by the hurricane, transformed their hardship into hope through the formation of sewing societies. Their nimble fingers worked tirelessly, breathing new life into tattered garments and creating fresh clothing from whatever materials they could salvage.

Relief Effort - Sorting clothes
Figure 11 – Receiving Room for Clothing, S.C. Island Relief, 1893 - 1894. From The Red Cross: A History of This Remarkable International Movement in the Interest of Humanity (United States: American national Red cross, 1898). 

The scene in Mrs. MacDonald’s sewing tent was particularly moving. Upon her arrival, she had been struck by the sight of survivors clothed in little more than rags – a stark testament to the storm’s devastation. Women gathered around a borrowed sewing machine used to tailor unsalvageable garments into clothing for the children while others working by hand mended tears and replaced buttons. Mrs. MacDonald described the atmosphere during those hours, “when all got steadily to work, one would commence a patter song, the rest would quickly join in, and, to the ac-companying rattle of the sewing machine, work and music blended.”   Day by day, piles of clothing filled barrel after barrel, ready to restore dignity to those who had lost nearly everything. 

When spring arrived, the community’s focus shifted to the earth itself. The arrival of seeds and potatoes from J.C. Vaughan Seed Store in New York and Chicago sparked new hope. These precious tubers were carefully quartered and planted alongside other donated seeds, each one representing a promise of future abundance. After ten months of tireless work, Mr. MacDonald witnessed the fruits of their collective labor. “I watched the crops grow,” he wrote, “saw a good harvest gathered in the people resumed their old-time cheerful tone and the storm became a memory.”

Relief Efforts_Potatoes
Figure 12 – Women Cutting Potatoes for Planting - Sea Island Relief, SC  February, 1894. From The Red Cross: A History of This Remarkable International Movement in the Interest of Humanity (United States: American national Red cross, 1898). 

Ten months after their arrival the Red Cross prepared to withdraw, having been a part of this remarkable recovery.  Despite the many successes, racial tensions began to simmer as some white residents accused the relief efforts of favoring African American communities. These tensions would continue as the Jim Crow era established itself in the South. Though progress had been made, the storm’s impact would echo through generations. Combined with the devastating arrival of the boll weevil in 1918, these challenges ultimately led many Gullah people to leave the region, seeking more stable lives elsewhere. Their exodus marked the end of an era in the Lowcountry, a final testament to how a single storm could re-shape not just the landscape, but the very fabric of a community.

Reconstruction

One standout story from the reconstruction era in Bluffton begins with Louis H. DeMontmollin who made his way toward his plantation, some fourteen miles north of Savannah on the South Carolina side of the river. The year was 1871, and like much of the South, this region was caught in the complexity of Reconstruction—a time when the old order was crumbling, and a new society struggled to emerge from the ashes of the Civil War.  Just six years prior, in January 1865, General Sherman had issued Special Field Orders No. 15, promising “40 acres and the loan of a mule” to freed people. But President Andrew Johnson’s Amnesty Proclamation of May 29, 1865, reversed that order, leading to evictions and forcing many into unfavorable arrangements like sharecropping.

DeMontmollin’s plantation stood as a microcosm of the tensions rippling across the South. He had rented the property to Lumpkin Zetler, but their arrangement had soured. Some said DeMontmollin wanted Zetler off the property entirely; others claimed he merely objected to Zetler subletting portions to formerly enslaved people. Whatever the truth, DeMontmollin had returned to forcibly evict both Zetler and several Black workers. Some of the laborers agreed to stay on under DeMontmollin’s terms. 

Days after DeMontmollin’s initial action, the ejected workers returned, determined to drive off those who remained. This forced DeMontmollin to return with two companions, W.A. Kent and Henry Slyer. Finding no habitable structures, they camped in the ruins of an old Confederate rifle pit. In the pre-dawn hours, DeMontmollin’s servant—a man known as Stonewall Jackson—went to catch fish for breakfast. While at the river, he heard gunshots. By the time he returned, he found only shouting and cursing. Fearing for his safety, he hid as events unfolded and would later escape to Savannah to give his account.

What happened next would make headlines across the nation. The three white men were wounded and captured by what newspapers described as “two hundred blacks,” based on Stonewall Jackson’s telling. Some accounts claimed they were held under warrants issued by a Justice of the Peace named Robertson, described by one hostile source as “a violent carpetbagger and ex-preacher from Connecticut.” The constable who made the arrest was Middleton Congress, characterized in sensationalized reports as “a notorious bandit character and the terror of the whites of the neighborhood.” The Constable brought the men to Bluffton to stand trial and receive medical treatment. Major Arthur, sent to investigate the matter, reported that the situation was less severe than initially portrayed. According to his findings, the Black men had come armed with legal documents issued by a Bluffton justice to legally dispossess DeMontmollin, and only fired when they met with resistance. Weeks after the event, various accounts were published. As one newspaper admitted, “until their release (the three white men in custody) is effected, a correct history of the matter is hardly possible.” The truth was often obscured by racial bias and sensationalism, just as the broader story of Reconstruction would be distorted for generations to come.

After his return to Savannah, Kent gave an interview recounting his view of what happened.  The article titled, “Ku-Kluxism in Ebony, The Attempted Murder on the Montmollin Plantation, Arrival in Savannah of Messrs. DeMontmollin, Slyer and Kent -- How Beaufort County is Ruled by Black Barbarians,” gives a one-sided account which demonizes the Black residents and Judge Robertson. In his account he recreates the conversation he had with Judge Robertson as he remembers it:

Screenshot 2025-05-12 at 10.28.36 AM
“The Attempted Murder on the Montmollon Plantation.”  From The daily constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.). November 3, 1871. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. https://www.loc.gov.

Kent: “I said I didn’t know there was any case worse than murder.”

Robertson: “Yes! But, man. I’ll tell you—this is Ku Klux!”

Kent: “No, said I, ‘you are mistaken. We are not Ku Klux, but we have been Ku Kluxed.’”

Robertson: “Well, you’ll be tried in Beaufort by a negro jury—you will then be sentenced to the penitentiary for ten years, and to pay each a thousand dollars fine.”

When the three men were well enough to travel, they left Bluffton aboard a steamboat traveling to Savannah. This incident reflected the broader tensions of Reconstruction in microcosm. Just as the Freedmen’s Bureau’s report reflects the general conditions in Bluffton in 1867: 

“I find as a general thing the free people doing well and manifesting a desire to do something for themselves and become self-supporting. Still I find on some places considerable trouble with them... but upon investigation I generally find that the planter is the party at fault.”

Indeed, the Bureau had specifically praised one local success story: the Toppin Plantation, where freed people owned and ran the farm.  That year they planted near 350 acres of corn, potatoes, and cotton, creating “the best looking [crop] of any in this district and... the admiration of all who see it.”

The Bluffton incident illustrated how the promise of Reconstruction—enshrined in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments—faced fierce opposition. Even as some freed people, like Cyrus Garvin in Bluffton, managed to purchase land and build homes, others found themselves caught in conflicts over property and rights. The purchase of the Historic A.M.E Chapel by nine free men represented another achievement during this period of possibility and progress. But as the century wore on, these gains would be systematically undermined by Jim Crow laws, bringing the brief flourishing of Black freedom and opportunity to a close—not just in Bluffton, but across the South. Although covered up or hidden for too long, these stories are making their way back to the light of day.

Before the Bridge – Race Riot of 1913

Tensions gripped the United States at the dawn of the 20th century. With the world teetering on the precipice of World War, Jim Crow laws firmly entrenched across the South, and a heated national debate over prohibition gaining momentum, 1913 presented the perfect conditions for conflict to erupt in the Lowcountry. That year, growing disquiet permeating the region would culminate in a near lynching and riot. Beneath the Spanish moss and between the tidal marshes of Beaufort County, a deadly game unfolded between lawmen and the shadowy operators of illicit drinking establishments known locally as “blind tigers.”

For years these illegal bars had thrived in defiance of growing prohibition sentiment. While fifteen South Carolina counties had surrendered to temperance, six holdouts—Beaufort County among them—defended their legal dispensaries with practical arguments: without alcohol revenue, who would fund the roads, bridges, and the newly emerging electric lights and waterworks? Most critically, they claimed, education funds would plummet from $26,000 to a mere $14,000. Yet beyond these sanctioned establishments lurked the blind tigers, particularly brazen in Beaufort’s rural reaches. The Edgefield Advertiser sounded the alarm that April: 

“So bold and flagrantly lawless have blind tigers become that the citizenship of that county is greatly alarmed.... Senator Christensen says these blind tigers, after obtaining a supply from the dispensary, go into the country districts where there is no police protection, and sell day and night to men, women and children.”

The situation reached a flash point when Secretary of the Navy Daniels issued an ultimatum—either suppress these blind tigers or forget expanding the naval detention barracks at Port Royal. His warning echoed through county offices: “Plans to enlarge the naval detention barracks, at Port Royal, S.C., will be abandoned unless the State authorities suppress the ‘blind tigers’ on which the navy department has had complaint.”

This mandate unleashed a crackdown that sought to identify and close illegal establishments. Specially mandated investigators along with Black constables were dispatched to locate and shut down ‘blind tigers’.

Tensions in the region were already heightened months earlier when a Dispensary Constable was shot and killed on St. Helena Island by two Black men believed to have been involved with an illegal dispensary. The shooting instantly birthed a lynching posse that traveled toward Beaufort, determined to seize the arrested suspects from official custody. Only Sheriff White’s quick actions saved lives that day by distracting the mob with troops guarding an empty jail while the prisoners were transported to an undisclosed location.  Davis Reynolds and Jasper Green, would have their day in court nearly half a year later where they were convicted of the murder of J. R.Cooler and sentenced to death by electrocution. 

Months later in June, Sheriff White would again stand between order and chaos—this time in Bluffton, where a young woman’s cry after allegedly being grabbed around the neck by a Black man had launched a countywide manhunt. By a cruel twist of fate, State Constable E. Frank Hammond and Jesse Lawrence, a Black constable, were searching Bluffton that very day for “negro blind tigers.” As panic spread, suspicion fell on Constable Lawrence. A mob quickly formed outside J.S. Graves’ store where Lawrence had sought refuge. Hammond attempted to reason with the crowd pressing against the front entrance. Lawrence, making a desperate calculation and believing that the crowd intended to lynch him—not confident that Hammond could keep the mob at bay—chose the slim chance of escape over certain violence. He jumped from the second-story window at the rear of the building. On the way down, he struck and severed Bluffton’s solitary telephone line, which added to the chaos.

The following day brought deeper tragedy. Hammond, spotting a man named William Jackson and believing he was responsible for the assault, attempted an arrest. When Jackson resisted and fled, Hammond fired a shot that struck Jackson in the head, killing him instantly. When they brought the body before the young woman, she declared with certainty: this was not her attacker.

Anger at injustice and fear of retribution coursed through the community. The mayor’s desperate telegram reached Governor Blease: “The mayor and some citizens here think negroes are arming themselves and will make trouble and request that I ask for Beaufort militia to protect whites and property. Phone connections only to Bluffton and wires may be cut.” Governor Blease answered the request and dispatched Beaufort’s militia under Sheriff White’s command.  Sheriff White was again successful in deterring further violence. 

For William Jackson, there would be no justice. The coroner’s jury deliberated briefly before issuing their verdict: “We find that William Jackson came to his death by a gunshot wound at the hands of E.F. Hammond, State Constable, in the discharge of his duty.” Signed, sealed, forgotten. Though accusations would later touch several men for the original assault, historical records suggest the woman’s actual attacker vanished into the Lowcountry, leaving behind only questions.

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Figure 13
-  “Quick Action Quells Race Riot in Bluffton.” The Columbia Record (Columbia, SC), June 12, 1913. Newspapers by Ancestry. https://www.newspapers.com/image/744549267/

Civil Rights Era

During the Reconstruction era, the Gullah community in Bluffton experienced initial successes. However, as African Americans began to assert their newfound freedoms, Southern states responded by implementing Jim Crow laws designed to restrict their rights. While these laws were most severe in the South, discrimination became a pervasive national issue extending from the late 19th century well into the 20th century.

The 20th century was fundamentally defined by the struggle for racial equality, with the Lowcountry serving as a microcosm of this broader national movement. Bluffton of the 1950s and 60s presented a complex social landscape that defied simple characterization. As described in the book Bluffton Charge: One Preachers Struggle for Civil Rights, “the town maintained a carefully curated public image. Racial tensions were carefully suppressed, with town matters handled discretely to preserve an idealized perception of Southern civility. Outsiders were often reassured about the town’s supposedly harmonious race relations.”

The reality, however, was far more nuanced. Bluffton existed as two divergent narratives simultaneously. On one side was an idyllic portrayal of a rural Southern town—with oyster-shell streets lined by majestic live oaks, abundant with local wildlife and seafood, and attractive to tourists and retirees seeking a leisurely lifestyle. This romanticized image starkly contrasted with the harsh economic realities faced by many African American residents of Beaufort County.

The alternative narrative revealed extreme poverty. Families lived in substandard housing—dilapidated shacks lacking basic amenities like electricity, clean water, and proper sanitation. These living conditions starkly illustrated the deep-seated economic and social inequalities that persisted long after emancipation.

During the Civil Rights era, efforts to enact change in Bluffton brought these competing narratives into sharp focus. The town embodied the tension between carefully maintained appearances and the underlying systemic inequalities that characterized much of the American South during this period.

The Fight for Equality - Dr. Gatch

Bluffton stood out from many towns across the United States due to its unique residential pattern. Unlike other communities that enforced strict racial segregation, Black and white residents in Bluffton lived intermixed, with homes of white and Black families situated side by side on the same streets. Historians attribute this unusual living arrangement to the area’s plantation-era history, where slave and servant quarters were originally constructed near the primary residences of planter families.

While other cities experienced significant white flight to suburban areas as a means of maintaining racial separation, Bluffton’s distinctive geographical terrain made such mass relocation challenging. The physical landscape of the region effectively prevented the widespread suburban migration that characterized racial segregation patterns in many other American towns during the mid-20th century. 

Despite the unusual residential integration, significant racial inequality persisted in Beaufort County and Bluffton. Systemic discrimination was evident across multiple critical domains of life, including employment opportunities, healthcare access, educational resources, and social welfare services available to the Gullah. These disparities reflected the broader patterns of structural racism that limited economic and social mobility for Black residents, even within a community that appeared more physically integrated than many other Southern towns.

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Figure 14 - R.S. Pious. “Moving Ahead, Despite all obstacles.” May 21, 1953, illustration, Savannah Tribune. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. https://www.loc.gov.

National media coverage, including a New York Times article titled “Hunger in America: Stark Deprivation Haunts a Land of Plenty,” brought the dire living conditions of Bluffton’s African American community into the spotlight. The article vividly described ramshackle shanties with broken windows and newspaper-lined walls serving as the only barrier against the elements, many structures so dilapidated they were on the verge of collapse.

These homes were inhabited by families struggling with extreme poverty, subsisting on meager diets often of little more than grits and rice. The harsh living conditions were compounded by poor sanitation and limited access to clean water, creating a breeding ground for serious health problems. Both children and adults suffered from preventable medical conditions, including rickets and parasitic infections, which were direct consequences of malnutrition and unsanitary living environments.

Dr. Gatch, a native of McGrew, Nebraska, arrived in Bluffton around 1958 to establish a medical office serving Savannah, Bluffton, and Beaufort. His office was unique for its time, featuring a single, integrated waiting room. “It never occurred to me to segregate the sick,” Dr. Gatch said. “The white folks around here have never forgotten it. The negroes didn’t either.”

Trusted by the local Gullah community, Dr. Gatch made house calls and was deeply troubled by widespread malnutrition. In 1969, he traveled to Columbia to speak before a citizens’ inquiry investigating hunger and poverty, describing dire conditions and reporting deaths from starvation. His remarks were vehemently disputed by Beaufort County officials. Dr. H. Parker, the County Health Officer, denied Dr. Gatch’s claims, stating he had never seen a case of starvation or extreme malnutrition. Many health officials branded Dr. Gatch a liar, and Beaufort Memorial Hospital staff demanded his resignation, subjecting him to threatening phone calls and public ridicule.

This harassment galvanized the Gullah community. They formed the Grassroots Rehabilitation Involvement Program (GRIP) and initiated a boycott, encouraging locals to shop outside the city center or county. Their goals were to reinstate Dr. Gatch and demand improvements in employment, housing, education, and welfare for Black residents.

Dr. Gatch persisted in his practice and advocacy despite losing many white patients and the support of the local medical community. 

His efforts eventually won over Wilton Graves, a fifty-two-year-old motel operator and county legislative representative. After a tour exposing the extreme conditions, Graves admitted, “I thought I knew what poverty was but I never saw anything like this. I honestly did not know conditions like these existed in Beaufort County.” This experience led Graves and his team to meet with GRIP, becoming the first local authority willing to engage directly with the organization. While Dr. Gatch was working toward medical reform in Bluffton, others were pursuing equality through different avenues, including efforts to desegregate the school system.

The Bluffton Eagles

In the late 1700s, baseball took root in American soil, gradually weaving itself into the nation's cultural fabric to become known as "America's pastime." Historical records from the 1860s reveal a brief period when a small number of Black and white players shared the diamond together—a fleeting moment of integration before Jim Crow laws cast their long shadow across the South.

As segregation tightened its grip on American society, separate local and national teams emerged throughout the country, and the Town of Bluffton, South Carolina was no exception. The earliest known local teams—Oak Forest and Belfair plantation —gave Black players a place to showcase their talents. Later came the Buck Island Hawks, Troy's Team, and the Buck Island Eagles.

The year 1966 marked a significant moment in Bluffton's baseball history when these three teams—the Buck Island Hawks, Troy's Team, and the Eagles—united to form the Bluffton Eagles. Under the leadership of manager Sam "Bosie" Bennett Jr., who founded this semi-professional baseball team, the Eagles joined the South Carolina Lowcountry Baseball League (SCLB).

The SCLB itself had emerged from the Georgia/Carolina Baseball League, headquartered in Savannah, Georgia, which operated throughout the 1950s and 60s. The SCLB, through the leadership of the Bluffton Eagles, separated from the Georgia/Carolina Baseball League in 1971. The SCLB boasted twelve teams divided between Northern and Southern divisions, creating a vibrant competitive atmosphere across the region.

At the heart of this baseball community stood Eagles Field in Bluffton, hosting countless games that brought the community together. The field sat on land owned by Albert "Boise" Green, Bennett's father-in-law. Following Green's death, the property changed hands several times before eventually falling under Cleland Construction's control, leaving the Eagles' future uncertain. 

Just as development seemed inevitable for the historic grounds, with its valuable frontage on the new Bluffton Parkway, an unexpected savior emerged in 1994. Sun City developer Del Webb purchased Eagles Field, rescuing it from excavation and likely commercial development. Webb's commitment to preserving this piece of community history culminated in 2001 when they deeded the property to the Bluffton Eagles Action Committee—a group formed in 1992 specifically to protect the Eagles' historic playing grounds.

Today, the Bluffton Eagles stands as a testament to how far American society has come, with its roster now comprising both Black and white players who share not only a field but a common love for the game—a fitting tribute to baseball's journey through America's complex racial history.

Praise Houses

Praise houses were the center of African American community life and worship during the plantation era and well into the 20th century. Also known as prays houses, they became common practice on plantations after the Denmark Vesey Rebellion in 1822. These small, single-room structures allowed enslaved people to hold prayer services on weekdays. 

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Figure 15 - Illustration of, “A “marsh tacky” and a native “praise house. “n.d.” In verical file (Beaurfort County, Misc. News Clippings), from the collections of the South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C. 

The strategic placement of praise houses on plantations served a dual purpose. Plantation owners used these spaces to monitor and restrict enslaved people’s gatherings, effectively limiting their opportunities to meet secretly or communicate with enslaved individuals from nearby plantations. The houses were intentionally kept small to comply with South Carolina’s laws that prohibited large assemblies of Black people.

The Praise houses developed a rich tradition blending African heritage with Christianity. Two notable practices were the ring shout and watch night. During a ring shout, both men and women would participate in an impassioned praise, shuffling counterclockwise in a circle without lifting their feet. This movement was accompanied by clapping, praying, and singing.

A significant tradition emerged during the Civil War: the New Year’s Eve “watch night.” This practice began on December 31, 1862, when African Americans gathered in praise houses, churches, and slave cabins across the South, eagerly anticipating the enactment of the Emancipation Proclamation into law.

These spaces were more than just places of worship—they were vital centers of cultural preservation, community support, and resistance during some of the most challenging periods of African American history. Praise houses were particularly important in Gullah culture, both during the Antebellum period and into the 20th century. Black elders typically led these spaces, taking on a venerated role that extended far beyond religious observance. They served multiple crucial functions: providing discipline, offering counsel, educating new generations, sharing cultural lore and traditions, and in some communities, even dispensing judgment and justice.

Simmonsville Praise House

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Figure 16 - Hirsh, photographer. Praise house on Simmonsville Road. Bluffton, SC., c. 2014. From A Call to Action, http//discoverlowcountry.com.

Following the Civil War, many formerly enslaved families remained on former plantations as tenant farmers, including at Belfair Plantation. For African American residents living far from Bluffton’s historic downtown, the praise house served as both a school and place of worship.

In 1951, when Walter Mingledorff purchased the property, he ended the tenant farming arrangements with the predominantly Black families. The praise house on the land remained actively used by the community, and Mingledorff donated both the building and a plot of land with the condition that it be relocated. The praise house was subsequently moved to Simmonsville Road, where First Zion Baptist Church maintains ownership to this day.

The relocation project, which required dismantling and rebuilding the structure, was completed over three months under the leadership of Oscar B. Frazier Sr. and Rev. Jimmy Buncombe. The entire community participated in the effort, with men handling the construction work while women prepared meals for the workers.

In its new location, the praise house continued to serve residents along Simmonsville and Buck Island Roads. It hosted church services and weekly prayer meetings for African American members of First Zion Baptist Church, St. John’s Baptist Church, and Campbell Chapel AME Church when they were unable to attend services at their main church buildings.

May River Singers

“The Negro folk-song – the rhythmic cry of the slave – stands to-day not simply as the sole American music, but as the most beautiful expression of human experience born this side of the seas.” 

– W.E.B DuBois

Gullah Spirituals emerged as powerful expressions of faith, sung a cappella with nothing but “clapping hands and patting feet to keep time.” These sacred songs lived not on paper but in the hearts and memories of their singers—no hymnals were needed. With their distinctly African rhythms and harmonies, these spirituals often took the form of simple, repetitive chants where a single verse might be sung over and over, occasionally transformed by the change of just one word.

These voices resonated with profound emotion, each note carrying the weight of faith and perseverance through the hardships of slavery. The distinctive cadences and tonal qualities preserved the musical heritage of their ancestral African homelands, creating a sound unlike any other American sacred music tradition.

Bluffton claims its own unique chapter in this rich tapestry of Gullah spiritual heritage. At the center of this story stands St. John the Baptist Church—also known as “St. John in the Wilderness”—a sanctuary of both faith and cultural preservation.

Built near the meeting of the May River and Heyward Cove in 1860, St. John’s wooden structure had fallen into critical disrepair by the 1930s, desperately needing financial support for restoration. What happened next reflected the true spirit of Bluffton: both Black and white residents united in a remarkable collaborative effort to save this cultural landmark. This initiative was spearheaded by brothers Luke and Andrew Peeples, working under the encouragement of Miss Caroline Huger.

Luke Peeples, a musical prodigy with deep local roots, developed a passionate dedication to the spirituals sung in Bluffton’s churches. Recognizing their cultural significance, he began the vital work of documenting these musical traditions and creating accompanying arrangements to help preserve them for future generations.

The brothers’ efforts received significant attention in the Bluffton Newsletter, a publication that, while primarily serving the white community, consistently made space for religious announcements from all local congregations and maintained special coverage of the renowned May River singers.

The concert organized to save St. John’s represented far more than a simple fundraiser—it stood as a powerful symbol of community solidarity during a deeply segregated era. This collaborative effort demonstrated a shared commitment to preserving an irreplaceable cultural and spiritual landmark.  The following are excepts from the Bluffton Newsletter and Savannah Morning News.

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Figure 17 - The May River Spiritual Singers in front of St. John’s Church: Jeanette Brown, Ida Boyles, Rebecca Stoney, Bessie Johnson, Maggie Brown, Chloe Wilson, Emma Kinlaw, Lottie Taylor, Celie Carroll, Pauline Bruin, Julia Posey, Bertha Brown, Sylvie Williams, Kate Foster, Suzanne Gadson, Samuel Graham, Patsy William, Mamie Kinlaw, Reuben Gadson, John Johnson, Ophelia Grant, Mariah Cogswell, James Hayes, George Brown, Lewis Graham, Jack Owens. Photograph, C. 1932, original source unknown.

February 25, 1932

Three local churches, Campbell, Zion, St. John, each put forward their 12 best signers to compete for a place in the May River Singers. 

“Bluffton can boast of having some of the best Spiritual singers in the South and Miss Caroline P. Huger, of Savannah and Bluffton, who is sponsoring the “Sing”, is to commended for making it possible for us and our out-of-town friends to hear this rich store of music which is an heirloom of the South, particularly the Carolina low-country.” 

- Bluffton Newsletter

March 3, 1932

The contest is held at Campbell A.M.E Church. The contest took place on Friday night at the Campbell A.M.E Church and was touted as a great success.  An estimated 400 people were in attendance including audience members from Charleston, Savannah and Columbia.  Nearly 80 dollars were raised for the participating churches from an entry fee of 25 cent. Undoubtedly, more would have been raised had more room been available.  A crowd gathered outside to listen to the singers.   

In addition to the three prizes given to the participating churches, an individual prize was awarded to the “most outstanding dramatic singer.”  The award, a large white, frosted cake, went to Janie Chaplin from Zion Baptist Church.  

“This dramatic character, with a blue gingham dress on and a red cloth tied around her head made wild and often times dangerous gesticulations with a large stick, which she held in her right hand, as she encouraged members of her group to “get the spirit” and “sing!” Her singing was loud and melodious, and with her freakish body movements as she sang and shouted, she was indeed a colorful personality that afforded a major part of the evening’s entertainment.”  

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March 31, 1932

Announcement is made about the upcoming performance of the May River Singers at the Municipal Auditorium in Savannah for April 15th.  

“The group was composed of selected participants from the contest held in earlier in the month along with signers from Buckingham Plantation, Bull Island and Spring Island.”

April 7, 1932

“The charm of these spiritual sings is found not only in their rich, melodious voices, but equally as much in their sincerity and deep emotional fervor.  They sing because they like to sing and because that is their way of worshiping God, and one is touched by the religious attitude taken by the group individually and collectively while singing.”

Luke and Andrew Peeples, directed the singers and helped them prepare for the performance in which they sang spirituals from the Lowcountry.  Titles included, Let Tuh Train Roll Easy, Duh Ship Is At Duh Landin’, When I Come Out Duh Wilderness, Down in Dhu Valley Around Mud Praying Ground. 

April 16, 1932

The following is a copy of the news story published following the performance.

SAVANNAH MORNING NEWS
April 16, 1932
MAY RIVER FOLK SING SPIRITUALS
Give Unusual Program Interpretation of Native Songs

Highly Dramatic Negro spirituals with all their pristine flavor were head last night in the Municipal Auditorium as sung by a group of native signers from the Carolinian coastal country nearby. Heard and seen for the dramatic-interpretation of the songs, with shouting, rhythmic movement and gesture and clapping, was as interesting as the sing and had a strange and exciting beauty. 

The singers were the May River Spiritual Singers from Bluffton and the is-lands near Bluffton. They were presented by Andrew and Luke Peeples.  There were thirty in the group, six or being men and rest women.  As the program explained, they had not been instructed in stage technique or -directed in any way.  They were left free to interpret their traditional folk music in their own manner and they did so without self-consciousness, quite as if they were at home in their churches and meeting halls.  This gave the program and astonishing sincerity and dramatic fervor.  

It is quite a different thing to hear the spirituals in this way from hearing them by trained city voices and by singers of more sophisticated habits and with greater knowledge of music.  The scene took on a primitive quality-and it was easy to lose oneself in response to the insistent and hypnotic-rhythms and the curious harmonies.  There was absolutely nothing studied about the way the spirituals were sung, no attempt at modulation of the voices or pitching and softening of the tones, which on the whole were somewhat harsh.  But if this was true of the volume of singing as it rose to intense excitement, it was not true of the individual voices opening the verses of each song. These were often of quite extraordinary quality and poignant sweetness.  

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Figure 18 - V. & J. Duncan Postcard Collection, Auditorium, Savannah, Ga.--25, 1916, postcard, courtesy of the City of Savannah Municipal Archives

The effect of the spirituals as a whole was not poignancy, as it so often seems to be in the more sophisticated programs, but dramatic intensity.  The leaders in each case acted with a natural ardor which expressed it-self in instinctive movements of grace and beauty and as they dramatized the tale that was sung it became tremendously stirring.  

This was peculiarly true of such spirituals as, “When You There When They Crucified My Lord” - a very familiar one, and “Joseph Beg His Body” - one not so well known.  “Joseph Beg His Body” did not seem to have the weird harmonies of the old spirituals and had a more pronounced tune, like the regular church hymns, but the dramatization of it and the objective simplicity of the narrative were entirely in the character of fold spirituals.  It was beautifully done by the leader and the chorus and was one the high spots of the program.

So too were, “Washed in the Blood of the Lamb,” “Were you There When They Crucified My Lord,” Stand on the Wall of Zion” and a song of a -different type as these, “Humble Your Soul, the Bell Done Ring.”  This last was in its own way a triumph, art of it being done in recitative by one of the men leaders.  Special mention too is merited by “Ain’ Go Worry My Lord No More,” which was sung by one of the older men with appealing affect. 

The women were suitably costumed in bright colors, some with neckker-chiefs and head kerchiefs.  The strong pinks and blues, oranges and reds, with notes of black and while in collars, cuffs and headdresses were extremely decorative against the crude colors of the stage background. The lights were well chosen to bring out the figures and faces and an extraordinary and perhaps unintended effect was added by shadows which were thrown on the wall behind as hands were uplifted and swaying bodies moved rhythmically all across the stage.

The concert was a success and the funds needed for the restoration of St. Johns Church were raised.  The Church remains active today and is still located in the same location although the original structure is no more.

Deer Tongue Building

Trilisa Odoratissima, commonly known as deer tongue, is a fragrant herb native to the Lowcountry. The plant thrives in sandy, acidic soils along the coastal regions and has historical significance among Native American communities, who reportedly used it to brew tea. Its blooming period occurs in late summer to early fall, featuring distinctive purple to lavender flowers.

Bluffton’s connection to deer tongue runs deep, with Dr. Mellichamp, a local doctor and amateur botanist, playing a pivotal role in exploring the plant’s medical properties. He is credited with establishing and operating a deer tongue business in the town. Historical evidence, including an unpublished 1929 Sanborn map, reveals that May River Road was once called Deer Tongue Street and featured a large two-story building labeled ‘deer tongue leaves’. This facility would have employed local workers to harvest and dry leaves for various industries, including perfumes, medicines, and tobacco products.

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Figure 19 - Sanborn Insurance Company, Bluffton, 1929,Unpublished Map, Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps of South Carolina from the South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia, S.C.

The original building depicted on the historical map no longer stands but a newer building still remains to tell the story. The industry experienced a hiatus until 1945 when Edward Mulligan constructed the building that exists to this day. Located initially on Calhoun Street, the ‘Old Musk’ building continued to operate until the early 1970s.

The building’s journey continued when Joe Bailey acquired it in 1983, relocating it to his property on May River Road. He transformed the space into an artist co-op, and over the years, it housed various businesses, including the antique store Deer Tongue Trading. In 1999, the building underwent another move and was converted and expanded into the restaurant Pepper’s Porch.

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Figure 20 - Front of Deer Tongue building before deconstruction, photograph, 2023 courtesy of Repurpose Savannah. https://www.repurposesavannah.org/ma-daisys.

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Figure 21 - Rear of Deer Tongue building before deconstruction, photograph, 2023 courtesy of Repurpose Savannah. https://www.repurposesavannah.org/ma-daisys.

Most recently, the Deer Tongue building has entered a new chapter. Deconstructed by RePurpose Savannah, it was meticulously rebuilt to its original footprint incorporating as much of the salvaged material as possible. It now serves as the Bluffton Gullah Heritage Center, preserving an important piece of local history.

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